Autors

The concept of transitional justice occupies an important place in the study of the problem of peace, conflict resolution and social cohesion in the so-called transitional societies, being an integral part of contemporary mainstream political discourse. Within the framework of this discourse, the practice of transitional justice is positioned as necessary condition for overcoming the legacy of the repressive regimes of the past and achieving public consensus in fragile post-conflict societies, which were once highly polarized and, as a result, characterized by a weak common civic identity. The main body of research is devoted to the analysis of various aspects of transitional justice; by default, it is considered as taken for granted. The research is limited to the analysis of its particular problems and contradictions not questioning its relevance to the specifics of the tasks it was designed to solve. As a result, a fairly consistent picture has emerged that depicts a movement of societies once torn apart by civil and military conflicts in a single direction – towards democracy and market economy, a movement where transitional justice procedures perform the most important functions of reconciliation and restoration of violated rights, contributing to the achievement of basic social cohesion. At the same time, the analysis of specific cases of transitional justice implementation in a broader socio-political context provokes doubts in the idea that the weaknesses of transitional justice, identified and described by mainstream theories, are not of structural nature, but rather particular and situational ones. In this regard, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive consideration of the phenomenon of transitional justice involving the methodology of critical analysis. This article proves that transitional justice could not be seen as an adequate responseto the complex challenges facing contemporary societies burdened with acute socioeconomic and political contradictions. As a part of a global neoliberal project, transitional justice solves only specific problems, and is rather aimed at consolidating the neoliberal status quo. Transitional justice is not a reliable way to achieve social cohesion in postconflict societies, destabilized by hidden and overt tensions. The model of social cohesion it produces is a very fragile construct built on a negative image of the past and based on the rent principle of benefits and privileges distribution by the beneficiaries of the new regime. Solving the structural problems and contradictions that actually underlie the conflicts and instability in the so-called societies in transition, require not just a revision of particular practices and institutions, but a radical reformatting of the global political paradigm, which should be centered around the concept of socio-economic justice.

Keywords: transitional justice; social cohesion; neoliberalism; socio-economic justice; politics of memory

In the article, the author tends to outline the main contours of the American political philosopher Fredric Jameson. His key concept of postmodernism as the cultural logic of late capitalism, as well as the genesis of his political and philosophical views, is analyzed. The author argues that Jameson adopts some principles and categories of postmodernist theories of society and culture such as “schizophrenic subject” (G. Deleuze, J. Lacan) and “simulacrum” (J. Baudrillard) and conceptualizes the culture of contemporary society as postmodernist (which distinguishes him from the postmodern theorists who positively or neutrally judge the new trends in the development of contemporary society). Nevertheless, his attitude towards these trends is decidedly critical. In this regard, the author claims that typical Russian political science’s characterization of Jameson’s political philosophy as “Neo-Marxist postmodernism” is incorrect. She insists that it should rather be characterized as “postmodernist Neo-Marxism”, because Marxism is the overall methodological framework for the whole Jameson’s political-philosophical project, whereas postmodernism is just the thematic nucleus of his political philosophy. Thus, to various degrees, most of his political-philosophical conceptions are aimed on the critique of postmodernism and late capitalism, or designed to find a way out the postmodern situation.
Keywords: Fredric Jameson, postmodernist Neo-Marxism, Marxism, postmodernism, late capitalism, cultural logic of late capitalism.

Abstract. The subject of this article is the specificity of socio-cultural situation in which the individual professionally engaging in natural sciences and mathematics does act in politary society ancient Egypt, ancient India and China, medieval Arab-Muslim world, etc.). It focuses on the complex and contentious relationship between scientists seeking to acquire increasingly precise and adequate knowledge of the structure and development of the material world, and on methods of acquiring such knowledge, and bureaucratic apparatus, whose tip led by an autocratic Monarch (labeled as “Caesar”, or “politarch”) is interested in the maximum control of the process and the results of any serious theoretical and empirical studies. Intense conflicts between these cognitive trends affect the general nature and characteristics of the deployment of epistemic discourse in politary societies. As concepts, through which this conflict is interpreted, are elected category of “regularity” (as characteristic of any variety of politary management) and “spontaneity” (as an attribute of free, creative and administrative unregulated scientific search).

Keywords: epistemological discourse; politary society; politarch; bureaucracy; regularity; spontaneity

Abstract: This article is an attempt of conceptual analysis of the prominent Russian thinker Vladimir Solovyov’s undiscovered work, namely, his play “The White Lily”, which genre he himself has defined as “mystery-joke”. In spite of the seeming entertainment and unpretentiousness, the play presents definite stage in the evolution of Solovyov’s thought, and expresses some principal points of his philosophical system albeit in a rather simplified and popular form. The text of the mystery (in both printed and handwritten versions) is considered in three main aspects. Firstly, we find out socio-empirical circumstances of
its creation, the motives that guided the author of the mystery when he referred to the new unusual literary genre. The description of thinker’s personality, which is represented in the text in one way or another, is given. Secondly, the textual analysis is presented, which reveals the richness and diversity of the sources used by Solovyov, and provides an interpretation of the fundamental mystical characters and symbols appearing in the play. Special attention is payed to the Bible, especially books of the Old Testament, which influence on Solovyov’s work is underestimated by the researches. Thirdly, it is shown how the mystery text presents one of the fundamental concepts of Solovyov, namely, Sofia (“Wisdom of God”). In relation to this play, the author deals with such attributes of Sofia as completeness, materialization (spiritual physicality), ideality (transcendence), beauty, correlation with Eros. The thesis is substantiated that for the thinker Sofia and the Blessed Virgin Mary (Mother of God) are not antipodes but quite related concepts, and their ratio strives for full identity. In general, it is suggested to consider “The White Lily” as artistic expression of integral mystical-philosophical conception of the author, in
which the earthly, everyday human life appears in the role of projections and transient modus of the Supreme transcendent reality.
Keywords: Vladimir Solovyov; “The White Lily”; mysticism; Sofia; Old Testament; Book of Job; Book of Isaiah; rose; lily; Mother of God.

The article focuses on the specifics of philosophical consideration and comprehension of books that acquire the status of sacred within a certain sociocultural space. Both in contemporary philosophical discourse and in the discourse of many past eras, there is usually a distancing of professional philosophers from direct engagement with such texts. As a result, the sacred books end up being almost exclusive handled by intellectuals, who either ignore specifically philosophical research methods, or arbitrarily apply them to their opportunistic, pragmatic goals, or limit themselves to the traditional technique of interpreting and commenting on the Holy Scripture. However, for serious thinkers, many sacred books, examined from a specific perspective, turn out, to be very valuable material for testing the strength of their theoretical and methodological tools and the moral and ethical principles they adhere to, despite all possible and even inevitable risks. The article analyzes this problem on the example of Immanuel Kant’s interpretation of the Bible, which played the role of a fundamental culture-forming text in his era.It is shown how the philosopher opposes the rational-critical and doctrinal-theological approaches to reading the Bible, while leaving the reader the right of free choice. The main attention is paid to three small works by Kant, which make up a kind of philosophical trilogy. In the first of them – the “Conjectural Beginning of Human History” – the German thinker, based on the Book of Genesis, gives his own version of the reasons for mankind’s emergence from the state of nature and its transformation into a sovereign subject of historical action. In the second one – “On the Failure of All Attempted Philosophical Theodicies” – Kant, relying on the Book of Job, solves the problem of God’s goodness/non-goodness in the light of the evidence of evil and suffering as an ontological datum. The third work – “The End of All Things” – deals with the Book of Revelation and treats from a philosophical point of view one of the most important religious topics – the apocalyptic destruction of humanity (the Last Judgment, the end of the world, the cessation of historical time). The article demonstrates the heuristic potential of Kant’s rational-critical methodology, which has not lost its significance even today. 

Keywords: Kant, the Bible, rational-critical methodology, the Book of Genesis, the beginning of history, the Book of Job, theodicy, the Book of Revelation, the end of history

The article provides a comparative characterics of the current Code of Judicial Ethics of the Russian Federation and the classical maxims of Roman lawyers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Formed in the Greco-Roman culture, the image of a “good judge” (judex bonus) is interpreted as a variant and hypostasis of a more general and fundamental ideal model of the “man of good” (vir bonus), previously developed in Peripatetics and stoicism. Substantive conclusions are drawn from the obvious premise that positive laws alone, in particular those regulating the legal status of a judge, are not sufficient for the normal and effective administration of justice. Positive legislation certainly needs a moral and ethical superstructure, norms of a different meaning and level, namely controlling the way of thinking, mindset and everyday behavior of the judge. The link between modern ethical norms of the professional judicial community and the moral and legal formulas of almost two thousand years old is shown. Specific examples are given to prove that modern norms semantically and often literally reproduce certain concepts, judgments and principles used by jurists since ancient times (for example, honesty, conscientiousness, independence, impartiality, competence, concern for the constant improvement of current legislation and other ethical qualities that a professional judge should necessarily possess). The importance of the norms regulating non-official relations and contacts of a judge from the point of view of the need for prevention and eradication of corruption deviations and moral and legal deformations arising in this regard is emphasized. Attention is drawn to the fact that both ancient and modern legal thought recognizes a certain conditionality, incompleteness and limitation of any available set of laws, as well as some ethical code. On this basis, guidelines for further improvement and updating of the Code of Judicial Ethics of the Russian Federation in terms of thoughtful anti-corruption efforts that actualize and rethink the potential of ancient Latin maxims are determined. 

Keywords: the Code of Judicial Ethics of the Russian Federation; Latin legal maxims; Roman law; judge; improvement of the law enforcement system; positive law; natural justice; corruption

Abstract: Every religious thinker eventually faces ideological challenge: What is the interrelation between his confessional identity and freedom of thought? Does his (or any other individual) religious identity promotes or prevents personal self-determination? I. Kant in his treatise “Religion within the Limits of the Reason Only” indicated key points where the church as an institute has a chance to deviate from its true mission and to turn into closed corporation whose members hinder spiritual development of their flock. Referring to Kant, three central figures of the Russian religious and philosophical thought of the 19th century vary in determining the status of the church in society and, accordingly, the personal attitude toward the church, as well as in prospects of its socio-political and moral-cultural reforming. Being mostly loyal to the church, Dostoevsky's project does not significantly affect the socio-political status quo and the church hierarchy, and restricts the space of personal development to the Orthodox format. In Dostoevsky’s view, the Orthodox church has the potential to serve as a spiritual reference point not only for the Russian people but also for humanity. Project of V. Solovyov, which anticipates ecumenism, is more critical toward the Orthodox church. It presumes a wide dialogue and organizational unification of the Christian denominations in a single church as a power of the process of building society of “free theocracy”, and humanity’s transition toward the state of “God-humanity”. The most radical project of Leo Tolstoy justifies the need to move away from any national and confessional identity, accessing the world-historical experience of the cultures of East and West, and purely rationalistic interpretation of moral absolutes. These three projects have their followers among contemporary Russian and foreign intellectuals. Their adherents continue traditions of national philosophy over socio-political, moral and philosophical problems.

Keywords: church, Orthodoxy, Kant, Dostoevsky, Vladimir Solov’yov, Leo Tolstoy, personality, confessionalism, false serving, rationalization, free theocracy.

The article analyzes two periods in the evolution of ideas and values of the out- standing Spanish traditionalist Donoso Cortes`: the progressist (1820-1836) and the liberal- conservative (1836-1848) ones. Being guided by the methodological lines of the Spanish histori- an-traditionalist M. Menendez-y-Pelayo and the German historian–positivist E. Schramm, the author offers some arguments in honor of Donoso`s traditionalist interpretation of political-ideological identity as the basis for the analysis of his ideas, views and values in the early (pre-traditionalist) years. In order to achieve the aim, the author divides between the Donoso`s traditionalist philosophical world-view and the Donoso`s progressist and liberal-conservative political-ideological rhetoric. In the author’s opinion, the former is the basis for the latter. By interpreting early Donoso as traditionalist, the author is being able to demonstrate the complex and contradictory character of Spanish traditionalists` search for ideology and values in the conditions of the coming New – liberal and bourgeois – Order. 

Keywords: Donoso Cortes, political-ideological identity, political ideology, progressism, liberal conservatism, traditionalism, Spain.

The formation of the New – liberal-bourgeois – order in Spain lasted for almost one and a half century and experienced many «ups and downs». A milestone in this process is the Royal Statute written by an outstanding liberal conservative on the first half of the 19th century F. Martinez de la Rosa. In an effort to harmonize liberal Liberty and traditionalist Order, Martinez takes a position between left-wing liberals (progressists) and traditionalists. However, under the conditions of the liberal-bourgeois revolution and the first Carlist war, a stable political-ideological consensus between revolutionaries and conservative reactionaries was impossible. Trying to ensure the survival of the declared constitutional monarchy, Martinez was forced to make a tactical alliance with moderate traditionalists, which caused a flurry of criticism from the left. The imbalance of the political system led to the abolition of the Royal Statute and a new revolutionary cycle, in which Martinez occupies a definitely conservative position.
Keywords: Royal statute; liberal conservatism; Martinez de la Rosa; 19th century Spain.

In the article, the author analyzes political and ideological identity of padre F. Zeballos (1732-1802) – one of scholastic philosophers who stays at the roots of modern Spanish traditionalist political ideology. The author demonstrates the multipartite character of Zeballos` political and ideological identity and reveals its three components: liberal-conservative, traditionalist, and, potentially, right-radical conservative. Through the interpretation of the main Zeballos` opus «The False Philosophy» the author concludes that Zeballos`s political and ideological identity is the traditionalist one, and it inclines toward potentially right-radical conservatism. The author`s arguments are based on traditionalist ideological and axiological dominants of Zeballos` political mind (Catholicism and Monarchy), and his calls for the political violation against the philosophers-enlighteners. Using the Zeballos` case, the author constructs a mechanism of the right-radical conservatism and right radicalism, which exists in European Christian countries such as Italy, Spain and Germany, as well as in Eastern European ones.
Keywords: political ideology, political and ideological identity, traditionalism, reaction, European anti-Enlightenment, Spain, XVIII сentury.

Abstract: The article analyzes classical typologies of Carlism in the genetic stage of its development (1833-1876) as a special case of the Spanish conservatism as well as related conceptual and methodological problems. Based on the Russian classical typology of conservatism, which was proposed by A.A. Galkin and P.Yu. Rakhshmir, the author compares the typology of «political tendencies» of F. Suarez Verdeguer, the fractional classification of Carlism of C. Seco Serrano, and «three trends of Carlism» of J.C. Clemente Muñoz. For detailed conceptual and methodological draw, all analyzed typologies are tabulated in the summary with political-ideological and political-party spectrum of the emerging Spanish conservatism. Finally, the author concludes that the political-ideological «mainstream» of the emerging Carlism belonged to its right «fraction», namely, potentially right-wing conservatives, who had defined the essence of the whole Carlism for the next half-century. On this basis, the author argues that the genesis of Carlism in Spain could be presented as an ideal type for the study of the right-radical conservatism genesis within such «peripheral conservatisms» as German, Italian, Eastern European, and Russian ones.
Keywords: Carlism; political ideology; typology of conservatism; traditionalism; extremeright conservatism; Spain of the XIX century.

Abstract. At the beginning of the 19th century, the transition from the Ancient Order to the New as liberal-bourgeois one in Spain first began to be carried out in the Cadiz Cortes by two political forces: revolutionary-minded liberals and moderate liberals (future “moderados”). The end of the War of Independence in 1814 and the return of the traditionalist-minded king Fernando VII created a “bifurcation point” from the resolution of which depended the further development of Spain for the medium term:either continuation of reforms or restoration of the Ancient Order. At the same time, the reformist impulse of Cadiz Cortes was so strong that even representatives of the initially traditionalist “servile party” formulated the so-called “Manifesto of the Persians”, which along with loyal feelings for the king offer a number of moderate political and institutional reforms. Despite the crushing failure of this project, Spanish historiography assessed the Manifesto as epochal and generally constructive: while left-wing historians always saw in it only a manifestation of an anti-revolutionary reaction, traditionalist historians, on the contrary, starting from the middle of the 19th century emphasized its pro-reformist intentions.
Keywords: “Manifesto of the Persians”; “servile party”; traditionalism; reformism; XIXth century Spain.

The article is devoted to the transformation of the image of “enemy” in the emerging conservative political discourse in Spain in the last third of the 18th – first half of the 19th centuries. Comparing the image of “enemy” in the political discourse of traditionalists and liberal conservatives, the author shows that the first is based on religious and philosophical foundations, on which the political ones were layered with great difficulty at the beginning of the 19th century; the second is based on purely political ones. For the Spanish traditionalists, “enemies” are primarily the supporters of the socalled “false philosophy” (non-Catholics and non-Spaniards) who were followers of the British-French Enlightenment. Liberal conservatives who in principle abandoned any military connotations of the traditionalists interpreted the “enemy” exclusively in civil legal terms as political opponents from competing or allied structures (parties and party factions). Within the framework of traditionalism, the Carlists become a kind of “driver” for the transformation of the image of “enemy” who, in the conditions of intra-dynastic wars between Catholics and Spaniards, were forced to begin giving their discourse a purely political sound.

Keywords: image of “enemy”; conservative discourse; traditionalism; liberal conservatism; Carlism; Spain of the XVIII–XIX centuries

The article is devoted to the transformations of the political ideology of Francoism in modern Spain. The author divides the historical evolution of “Francoism after Franco” into two stages: neo-Francoism (completed) and post-Francoism (incipient). Neo-Francoism is formed during the times of democratic transit (1975–1982), post-Francoism arises as a result of political innovations implemented by the two social-democratic Governments of J.L. Rodriguez Zapatero (2004–2011) and P. Sanchez (from 2018 to the present) and is associated with a negative attitude to “historical memory” (Law of 2007th year) and “democratic memory” (Bill of 2020th year), respectively. Analyzing the internal structure of neo-Francoism, the author decomposes it into three types in accordance with a more general typology of conservatism by A.A. Galkin and P.Yu. Rakhshmir: the right wing (right-wing radical conservatism), centrist neo-Francoism (traditionalism) and the left wing (liberal conservatism). The internal structure of post-Francoism is still being formed, therefore it is revealed in less defined concepts although on the basis of the same classical triad: the right flank (mainstream), the center (“sympathizers”) and the left flank (“fellow travelers”). Comparing the “Francoisms”, the author shows that Francoism under Franco was a closed ideology and had as its main goal the destruction of opponents (expulsion from the country, prison, executions); neo-Francoism was a semi-open ideology and preferred to discuss with opponents (Parliament, media, scientific and journalistic literature). In this context, the fundamental difference between post-Francoism and other Francoisms is its open nature and publicly articulated invitation for all kinds of opponents from across the political and ideological spectrum to mutually beneficial cooperation for the progressive development of the country, thanks to which not only neo-Francoists, but also anti-Francoists (in particular, representatives of the “Communist Party of Spain” who have traditionally been enemies of any Francoism) appear in the logic of its nascent discourse today, which allows the author to add the prefix “post” to it. 

Keywords: political ideology; Francoism; neo-Francoism; post-Francoism; “historical memory”; “democratic memory”; modern Spain

In the XIXth century Spain, an originally Anglo-Saxon concept of «liberal patriotism» was shaped by the contradictory combination of liberal and conservative political-ideological elements. The similar situation is observed now in Russia. The article analyses the first phase of the genesis of «liberal patriotic» ideology as the variation of liberal conservatism, using the ideas, views and values of the outstanding Spanish poet J.M. Quintana. The basic elements of liberal and traditionalist ideologies are revealed in Quintana`s worldview; his ideas, views and values are analyzed in the frame of different periods of his mental and political evolution in the context of the emerging Spanish liberal conservatism; the contradictions of his political practice are demonstrated. The particular focus is made on the defeat of Quintana as political actor during the War for Independence and its conversion into the civil war between the supporters of patriotic ideals (traditionalists) and the supporters of liberty ideals (liberals).

Keywords: liberal patriotism, political ideology, Spain, XIXth century, Quintana.

Abstract: The article analyzes some ideas, views and values of the outstanding Spanish historian, writer and poet of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries J.L. de Villanueva y Astengo. Living in the turn of the eras, Villanueva experienced several ideological and value «mutations» during his turbulent political career. Therefore, in the Spanish political science the definition of his ideological identity varies from «exalted» liberalism to radical traditionalism. Based on the interpretation proposed by two Spanish historians – liberal J. Herrero and traditionalist M. Menendez y Pelayo – the author distinguishes nine such «mutations», which turns into unsolvable problems for researchers of Villanueva`s political ideology and political practice. Proving Villanueva`s ideal-typical non-ideality (as the priest who retired from the Inquisition into the liberal-bourgeois revolution, but wished to remain Catholic traditionalist), the author demonstrates the complex nature of modern political ideology genesis and explains why in the XIX–XX centuries Spain the modernization runs down and faces serious difficulties.

Keywords: Spanish traditionalism, transition, ideological and value «mutation», J.L. de Villanueva.

The author defines three conceptual and-valuative levels of Spanish conservatism, their relationship and basic intentions; he discovers the basic antinomies of Spanish conservatism which determine its historical dynamics in 1808–2008.The discursive features of Spanish reformism and anti-reformism are analyzed.

Keywords: Spanish conservatism, political ideology and practice, tradition and innovation, Catholicism, empire politics, hispanism, monarchism and republicanism, authoritarism and democratism, centralism and autonomism.

The author analyzes the genesis of the Spanish traditionalism in the 1st half of the XIX century, the mechanisms and logic of its adaptation to the New Order; in particular, the Spanish traditionalists` ideological paradigms in 1814-1833, the basic elements of Balmes`s ideological paradigm, the significance of Balmes`s work «Pío IX» for the historical perspectives of Spanish traditionalism, compares the different aspects of the traditionalist, liberal-conservative and liberal interpretations of Balmes`s and Donoso Cortés`s heritage.  Keywords: Jaime Balmes, Spanish traditionalism, genesis, adaptation, New Order.

The author analyzes three interpretations on G.M. de Jovellanos political-ideological heritage - liberal, traditionalist and liberal-conservative ones, - which reflected the complicated and contradictory character of the genesis of Spanish liberal conservatism in the end of XVIII - the beginning of XIX centuries.

Keywords: political ideology, liberalism, traditionalism, liberal conservatism, Spain.

The article is based on social-cultural approach to definition of “ethnic business”: it is a special business-structures, which have been founded by immigrants` own resources, and which produce goods and services with ethnic and cultural specifics; the latter is determinative. Transformations of ethnic business are considered to be the consequence of immigrants` ethnic and cultural identity transformations; dynamics of integration processes directly depend on them. The author argues that this approach – adopted from the Anglo-Saxon research literature – is the most valid for the analysis of ethnic business in Perm region. Specific character of integration processes, which take place in small, medium-sized and big ethnic business in Perm region, is reviewed; its ethnic-cultural variations are retraced: Christian (Armenian, in particular) and Mus- lim (Azerbaidjanian, Chechen and Tajic, in particular) ones. The author reveals the pattern: the higher is the level of ethnic business integration in receiving community – the slower are integra- tion processes, and their dynamics is less energetic. Several contradictions between ethnic business and the local powers are observed. 

Keywords: ethnic business, ethnic-cultural immigrant community, transformation, integration, Perm region.

The article considers the archetypal myth of «own-alien» as a phenomenon of archaic thinking. Based on the mythological materials of Ob Ugric peoples, the author analyzes visions on metaphysically own and metaphysically another space as existential-phenomenological topics of archaic thinking Thus, the «own» and metaphysically assimilated is the archaic space, which immediately surrounds the sacred Center of the World of the particular archaic group – the totem pole, religious construction, etc. Such space is literally perceived as the «territory of Heaven on Earth», which is consecrated by activities and «other-world protection» of spirit-ancestors and cultural heroes. Accordingly, being distant from the Center, the space loses and «washes out» its sacral characteristics, being turned into its own opposition – the «alien» and infernal space. In addition, the article considers archaic forms of consciousness. The author points out the analogy of the awareness of the «other» as an aggregate of ontological infernality in the archaic thinking and the modern Western philosophical tradition. If in the perception of the member of the traditional society the other is «totally different» as the personification of the unknown hostile forces of Chaos-Inferno, it is almost non-accidental that in the twentieth century the thesis of one of the founders of existentialism J.-P. Sartre: «the Other is a hell», obtains philosophical ground. Methodologically, the text is constructed as the experience of historical-philosophical research of the genesis of the myth of «own-alien» with the emphasis on the problematic approach in the history of philosophy.

Keywords: mythological consciousness, archaic thinking, metaphysically own, metaphysically alien, Chaos, ontological self-identification, philosophy of myth, archaic dualism, sacral space.

The article refers to the grammar of the text as an interdisciplinary branch of linguistics. Its relationship with other linguistic disciplines dealing with the text or discourse is discussed.

Keywords: discourse, text, context, syntax, poststructuralism, text grammar, linguistics of the text.

The article suggests that the verb-forms in the sentences: “The door opened. The book sells well”, should be treated as the forms of the implicit category of the Middle Voice in Modern English. It is related to the category of transitivity/intransitivity of English verbs in particular and Indo-European verbs in general. The communicative aspect of this grammatical phenomenon is expressed by the growing number of transitive English verbs being used as intransitive.

Keywords: category of voice, middle voice, transitivity/intransitivity of English verbs.

The article refers to the functional sentence perspective in the popular-science texts from the Scientific American. The communicative functions of various adjuncts in the initial, final, and intermediate positions in declarative sentences have been analyzed. The function of theme does not appear to be typical of the adverbial modifiers of place, time, and manner. It is more logical to speak about the function of antetheme (anticipatory theme) with reference to both detached and non-detached adverbial modifiers in the initial position in the sentence. By their semantics, these adverbials are presuppositionally connected with some known facts in human minds, but in the sentence structure, they are followed by the actual communicative core of utterance in the form of subject and predicate. Adjuncts in the final position regularly perform the function of rheme. Such sentences make up the bulk of our corpus.
Keywords: functional sentence perspective, theme, antetheme, rheme, topic, focus, adverbials, communicative dynamism, popular-science text, discourse, proposition, presupposition.

The article attempts to interpret the little-known anti-statist conception of the early 20^th century – anarcho-humanism of Alexey A. Borovoy. The introduction of the research paper justifies the relevance of studying “secondary” figures in the anarchist tradition, both for a better understanding of Anarchism itself in a broader context of intellectual history, and for the advancement of contemporary political theory. The first part of the article outlines the issues raised in Russian academic literature regarding anarcho-humanism, provides a brief historical overview of its evolution, identifies the main stages in the formation of Borovoy’s views, and delineates the influence on him of key ideological currents and authors (Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, Mikhail Bakunin, Henri Bergson, etc.). The main body of the study is devoted to a detailed analysis of the philosophical foundations of Borovoy’s social and political doctrine. It examines the conceptual grounds of anarcho-humanism, reconstructs the crucial philosophical principles, and elucidates the political and legal perspectives of the theorist. The authors argue that the core philosophical features of Borovoy’s anarcho-humanism include dynamism (apology for the perpetual movement of life), anti-rationalism (rejection of rigid intellectual frameworks), and individualism (apology for personal emancipation and development). The central problem shaping the development of Borovoy’s theory is interpreted as the antinomy between the individual and society, an irreconcilable antagonism between the two poles of human existence. It is emphasized that for Borovoy, an individual holds primacy in this conflict, and is engaged in an eternal struggle for emancipation, yet unable to achieve complete liberation from society and collective interests. The authors reveal Borovoy’s critique of determinism and mechanistic reductionism as a characteristic trait of his thought. The research outcome is a detailed conceptualization of the philosophical foundations of anarcho-humanism, providing insight into the political and legal views of one of the most ingenious libertarian theorists of the early 20^th century. 

Keywords: Alexey A. Borovoy, anarchism, anarcho-humanism, freedom, individualism, dialectics, anti-rationalism, dynamism, individual

The article is devoted to the issues related to impact peculiarities of technological transformations in information and communication sphere over the processes of political development. The main aspect is studying and analyzing the potential of contemporary information and communication technologies as an instrument aimed at influencing public consciousness. It is shown that the development of information and communication technologies in the Internet space greatly affects the substantive parameters of functioning of modern political regimes, as well as contributes to the evolution of traditional models of democracy. It is proved that today the society is formed where the main value is no longer the information itself, but communication technologies and channels of communication. Not information, but communication connection and communication capabilities are the primary political value in contemporary society. According to the author, political information outside the context of possibilities of its use in the processes of communication interaction loses its traditional value. In contrast, today the core value including political one is the possibility of communication interaction, in connection with which modern communication technologies are aimed at forming effective global forms of communication, as well as the creation of new communication mechanisms of interaction. The political stability of contemporary political systems depends on important factors such as information and communication potential of socio-political relations, and the effectiveness of its implementation in current political practice of both state and civilian actors. Special demands are made on organization and implementation of the processes of contemporary political governance both in internal and external environment, which today takes place in the conditions of active competition in national and global communication space. The conclusion is made that technological change of information and communication technologies in the Internet in a meaningful way affect both the functioning of the society, and the entire system of political governance. At the same time, political management model, which involves the use of a purely traditional media, will lose its relevance and effectiveness, and objectively would be replaced by new forms of political communication in the network communication space.

Keywords: post-information society; communication technologies; Internet space; network community; models of democracy.

Abstract: In the article, the set of issues connected with the legal regulation of the use of the Russian official language and the republics’ official languages in the educational sphere in past and present is regarded. The author analyzes the law in order to learn more about the official language of education on the particular level. Federal Law on the Education in the Russian Federation, Federal State Educational Standards, and the republics’ laws are analyzed. The author concludes that it is possible to obtain general secondary education and higher education with specializations and degrees (which are included in the standards approved prior to the Federal Law on Education in the Russian Federation) exclusively in Russian as official language. Education on other levels can be obtained in both Russian as official language and in official languages of the republics. In addition, the author explores legal aspects of studying official languages as school subjects and indicates that it is necessary to make distinction between “the language of studying” and “the language studied as school subject”. The author underlines that generally the obligation to study republic’s official language in the educational institutions corresponds to the official status of those language. Thus, both republic legislator and educational institutions have a right to envisage its compulsory studying in the frame of particular subjects indicated in the standards of general education. The author insists on the impermissibility of the obligation to learn the republic’s official language based only on one’s ethnic origins. The author criticizes such terms as “the mother-tongue speaker” and “the mother-tongue” due to their uncertainty. Finally, the author foresees the possibility to resolve the issue about either compulsory or voluntary study of the republic’s official language for everyone obtaining general education in spite of one’s ethnic origins.

Keywords: official language of the Russian Federation; republic’s official language; language of education; study of official language; compulsory study of official language.

Ethno-political situation on the eve of elections to the Russian State Duma, and measures undertaken by the country leaders to neutralize radical nationalist manifestations are considered. The results of the election campaign to the new Russian Duma are analyzed, the peculiarities of the electoral preferences of population of national regions of the Russian Federation are revealed. The author makes assumption about the initial stage of ethno-political mobilization of Russian population and about turning of the «Russian factor» into independent political force.

Keywords: elections, the ethnic factor, the politicization of ethnicity, ethno-political mobilization, inter-ethnic tensions.

Problems of defining extremism (extremist activity) in legal and scientific practice are discussed, peculiarities of this concept in Russian linguistic consciousness are described. Based on the results, possible questions are specified, which can be used in judicial linguistic expertise in cases of extremism; signs of information, which stimulates national, race or religious hostility are singled out. In conclusion, the necessity of correction of the definition of "extremism", as well as expansion of the list of questions solved within the frameworks of judicial expertise and increase of the number of experts is proved. 

Keywords: extremism, extremist activity, forensic linguistic examination, inciting information. 

The article describes the functioning of the Judiciary as an element of the political system of modern Russia. The characteristics of the activities of the courts are manifested through the mechanism of judicial discretion, within the framework of which decisions on cases are made. There are two main models used to explain the behavior of judges: based on the law and on the basis of personal preference. In Russian conditions, the most adequate way to explain the behavior of judges on the basis of personal preferences is a strategic approach. According to it judges take into account existing institutional and political restrictions and are guided by the structure of political opportunities that is formed by these restrictions. The latter are due to the “Zone of Power”, the real function of which is to project onto the subject, the prescriptions formed by the current political regime, as well as the application of sanctions for their violation. Such a construction of the Russian political space gives the judicial system the place not of a full-fledged branch of power, but, in fact, of one of the executive state institutions that carry out the functions assigned to it within the framework of general policy. Its institutional characteristics are determined by the universal bureaucratic characteristics of the organization of activities and management, characteristic of the executive branch. Being in the “Zone of Power” significantly complicates the promotion of the concept of Public policy, since it levels the possibilities of horizontal cooperation, designed to be implemented by the principle of competition and equality of the parties. The article concluded that the Judicial system of modern Russia, represented by the acting judges, has abandoned the role of the builder of the field of law in the Public political space.

Key words: Judicial power, political system, public policy, judicial discretion, power zone

Abstract: The article analyses reflection of the principle of subsidiarity in Russian and Polish legal systems of local self-government. On the base of comparative analysis, the authors consider the following issues: formation of the integrated subsidiarity conception in Catholic social teaching; historical and legal bases of subsidiarity in the systems of local selfgovernment; principle of subsidiarity in territorial organization of local self-government; correlation of subsidiarity and decentralization of power; delamination of public tasks between different levels of the public power according to the principle of subsidiarity; autonomy and independency of municipality as a marker of subsidiarity; principle of subsidiarity in organization of the system of local bodies of power and in financial sphere; reflection of subsidiarity in the institutions of democracy in Russia and Poland. According to the authors, the principle of subsidiarity has two aspects – internal and external ones. Both aspects are reflected in the legislation of Poland, as well as in the legislation of the RF. Nevertheless, in Russia, there is no formalization of this principle in legislation, and the attention is centered on the internal aspect of subsidiarity – relations between the state and local self-government, as well as relations between different levels of local self-government. As for Poland, there is constitutional legal regulation of this principle in respect of relations between public power and civil society. In both countries, the substantial scope of the subsidiarity conception depends on the discretion of legislator. However, the Constitutional Tribunal of Poland has formulated criteria of subsidiarity that should be used in the law-making process. Because of the absence of such criteria in Russia, the discretion of legislator is too wide. In spite of proclamation of separation of self-government from the state, principles of autonomy and independency of the bodies of local self-government are violated, especially in financial sphere. The principles of subsidiarity and decentralization of power are important for social and political life in Russia. Nevertheless, the authors outlines the tendencies of their formalization and even violation.
Keywords: subsidiarity; principle; local self-government; decentralization; democracy; civil society; European Charter of the Local Self-government; catholic social teaching.