Autors

Abstract: The article considers the system of concepts and main ideas that characterize nationalities policies during the period of developed socialism. Theoretical and ideological basis of Soviet nationalities policies was based on a particular version of Marxist philosophy, Marxist-Leninist ideology, specific historical approach, the class approach towards justification of the brotherhood and friendship of nations. The substance of Soviet nationalities policies was expressed in the ideological formula: “Prosperity and convergence of the nations in the course of socialist and communist construction”. Not the joint complex past, but the joint future was a basis for spiritual community of socialist nations and their further convergence. The friendship and partnership was proclaimed as ideal relations between socialist nations. The concepts borrowed from the period of developed socialism are used in postsoviet national discourse; however, their content is quite different. While Soviet and post-Soviet discourse on nationalities has some outward similarities, the paradigmatic turn from Soviet civil nationalism to ethnic nationalism, as well as from proletarian internationalism to different variants of bourgeois nationalism has occurred. 

Keywords: Problem of nationalities, national policy, internationalism, nationalism, multinational people, brotherly friendship.

The article analyzes new tendencies in ethno-national sphere. The author describes the features of the management of ethnic inter-relationship, argues for new concept of governmental ethnic policy and pays special attention to migration as an essential part of such policy.

Keywords: ethnos, nation, ethnic policy, migration policy, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia.

The article observes Bolsheviks’ solution of the “national question”. The theoretical basis of Bolsheviks’ national policy is analyzed. The article presents main conclusions contained in Bolshevik Party texts dated by the first quarter of the XXth century. The national question was the matter of subordinate interest for Bolsheviks. The solution of the national question depended on the solution of question of the proletarian revolution and proletarian dictatorship. The right of nations to self-determination was interpreted in radical way, as the right of nations to separation and formation of theirs own states. Bolshevik party determined the necessity and possibility of the implementation of those right. Ethnic minorities and pre-capitalist peoples were not recognized as nations. National self-determination in its Bolsheviks’ comprehension had led to the foundation of the USSR and quasi-states within the USSR and the RSFSR. It was a new period in the development of socialist nations. The author argues that modern discourse of ethnic policy looks very much the same as Bolsheviks’ discourse. However, the archaic notions should not be used in contemporary conditions. 

  Keywords: assimilation, nation, “national question”, the nations’ right of self-determination, national republics, national-autonomous districts.

The article argues a need to differentiate ethnic politics in Russia according to the characteristics of regions. Peculiarities of ethno-political situation in the Ural region are determined by historical, economic and political factors. Regional ethno-politics should be stratificated in accordance with the status and relations between ethnic groups. The article gives complete picture of inter-ethnic relations in the Ural region. Relationships between ethnic groups of indigenous population are described as relatively peaceful, competitive, indifferent and marginal. At the same time, the relationships between indigenous population and new immigrants appear to be more problematic, distanced and utilitarian. 

Keywords: indigenous population, migrants, region, ethnic groups, ethnic politics.

The article observesthe reasons of low level of political participation of citizens in modern Russia. The author attributes these reasons to principles and mechanisms of political inclusion/exclusion, which form the basis of the functioning of political system. There is a lack of studies of the concepts of inclusion and exclusion in Russian political science. In Western political science, these notions are presented in theory of social integration and differentiation of N. Luhmann, theory of citizenship of T.Ch. Marshall, structural-functional analysis of T. Parsons, world-systems analysis of L.Wallerstein. The author is convinced that Russia has its own model of political inclusion/exclusion, which affects all spheres of society. The article explores principles and mechanisms of political exclusion of ordinary citizens, public associations, political parties, as well as examines political opposition as system of political participation. The author concludes that current political regime explores political exclusion towards its own citizens despite the institute of citizenship and other formal democratic political institutions. It is done on the basis of the "symbiosis" of formal and informal institutions through a variety of practices and technologies that often have non-political character, which is typical for Russian political system. Formal political institutions act as "camouflage" and instruments of informal institutions, which are used selectively.

Keywords:political participation, political inclusion, political exclusion, political engagement, political institutions, formal and informal political institutions, political regime.

Abstract: The theme of this article is political and psychological, institutional (situational) and value (mental, subjective) factors, conditions and mechanisms of reproduction of corruption
in today’s Russia. The negative impact of corruption – the criminalization of the state and society, unfair redistribution of public goods, social polarization and social tensions, etc. – are described.
Sociological studies show that corruption in Russia has become an informal but stable social and political institute. Political psychology allows to combine theoretical and practical approaches of
the individual (e.g., psychoanalytical) and social psychology in the study of corruption as a phenomenon associated with public relations and public administration. The article investigates
the formation of formal and informal social norms in social groups and social stereotypes. The psychological conformity or pressure, of group norms over the individual, and the importance of
socialization in the family in order to distinguish between private and public life of the individual is observed. One of the social causes of corruption is the lack of values and trust agreement, the
fragmentation of the society into groups of “us” and “them” according to different criteria. This result is “double standard” assessment of similar actions based on membership in a particular
group. The conventionalism of mass perceptions of corruption among “owns” as a social norm is a matter of concern. The article provides general anti-corruption approaches.
Keywords: policy, corruption, conformity, social stereotype, social group, social norm, public sphere, privacy, psychoanalysis, political and legal culture.

The article observes the main concepts of transformation of the institute of citizenship under the influence of globalization and migration in particular. The author demonstrates the historical and socio-cultural conditions of this institute, its changeable and controvertial character.

Keywords: citizenship, institute, migration, global political process.

The article considers the limits of implementation of the equality, justice and freedom in Russian political and juridical culture, social institutes and practices. The author analyses the processes of shaping and functioning of Russian elite, its interaction with society, as well as the problems of political and juridical inequality. 

Keywords: egalitarianism, elitarism, freedom, equity, citizen, elite, justice.

The author examines the correlation of private and public aspects in the existence of modern Russian citizen. The article analyses the evolution of private and public life in Russia (family, men' and women' roles, the substance of power in Russia), as well as peculiarities of the interaction between private and public spheres in today's Russia.

Keywords: private life, public sphere, private person, public role of citizen.

The article tests the hypothesis, according to which the model of Russian tale and the image of Ivan the Fool can help to determine the likely behavior of the majority of population in the situation of economic and political crisis in Russia. The article describes the invariant elements of tales and their counterparts in modern politics. With the help of logical structure of fairy tales as a sequence of functions of characters, the author analyzes the main participants of the political situation. The image of Ivan the Fool allows the author to reveal the origins of mentality, as well as values, motives and political settings of the majority of population, which influences the outcome of current political situation.

Keywords: political situation, authorities, opposition, political behavior, mentality, collective unconscious, community property, socialist property, revolution, reform, protest movement, people, Ivan the Fool.

The author examines contradiction between constitutional status of a citizen and real political and legal status of a person and analyzes the political and legal mechanisms of the implementation of rights and duties of Russian citizen. The absence of personal dignity acknowledged by the state is considered as a sign of anti-democratic relations between person and state.

Keywords: citizen, constitutional status of citizen, citizenship, mechanisms of implementation of rights and duties of Russian citizens, personal dignity.

The article substantiates the author’s conclusion that the introduction of criminal liability of legal entities is a forecast tendency of the development of the Russian criminal law policy, and exposes objective grounds for introducing such a liability. The author points out that criminal responsibility of legal entities is established in many countries and required by international obligations of the Russian Federation. The article contains data on making legal entities of the Russian Federation accountable for administrative offence – illegal gratuity on behalf of a legal entity (Article 19.28 of the Code of Administrative Offences) and formulates reasons pointing out the insufficiency of the existing institution of legal personality’ administrative liability for actions of that type. The author indicates the necessity of conducting scholarly research on the determination of specificity of criminal procedure activity on making legal entities criminally responsible, as well as on the elaboration of foundation and conditions for carrying out operational investigation activity in respect of legal entities.

Keywords: tendencies in development of criminal law anti-corruption policy; criminal and administrative liability of legal entities; operational investigation activity; special investigative techniques; international cooperation; anti-corruption convention; international obligations regarding introduction of legal entities’ criminal liability.

Modern universities often become a subject of discussion in the public sphere, during which the relevance of university programs, the financing of science and higher education, and a number of other issues are discussed. These discussions again and again prompt political theorists to reflect on the “idea of a university”. These ideas are associated with values, expectations and beliefs, and are most often expressed in the form of normative representations based either on pragmatism that define the university as a functional element of the state system, or on utilitarianism that required from the university to satisfy the economic demands of society, or on idealism that forces position the university as an “ivory tower”. The presented positions somewhat exaggerate the value of some of the university’s abilities to the detriment of others and distort not only the optics of research, but also the social beliefs that influences the development of state systems and universities. Based on the institutional approach, the authors of this article propose a theoretical position that allows to grasp the current pragmatics of the university community, the market and the state regarding the development of universities and their contribution to the organization of the societal order. According to this position, the university should be considered as an intermediary institution that has public subjectivity; acts as an organizational form of the university community and agent of societal relations; carries out a communicative exchange with the external environment (represented by societies, states, markets); creates conditions for the interaction of various agents of societal relations, including on their own space via a formalized rational public discussion; finally, it produces knowledge that influences the organization of the societal order. All of this taken together allows us to consider the university a mediator. This position of the university allows it to successfully fulfill its mediating role, both within the university corporation and outside it, balance between different social expectations and remain in one of the most stable and adaptive organizational forms that constitute the societal order. 

Keywords: university; the idea of a university; étatisme; managerialism; mediation; intermediary institution; societal order

Abstract: The article examines the reasons for the formation of new institutions, which represents national minorities in contemporary parliamentary legislation. This process was particularly intense in the first two decades of the XXI century, as it is reflected in national constitutional reforms, as well as in changes of international law. However, the article argues that the Russian constitutional law is not ready for the reception of these institutions, because it is characterized by the regulation of the legal status of minorities, precluding their collective political participation. Unlike the majority of the studies of this issue, the author proves the correlation between the legal doctrine of the nation and the decision on the admissibility (inadmissibility) of the separate representation of national minorities. The conclusion is made that "the revolution of minorities" in the parliament is a natural stage in the development of the systems of public representation in the countries with continental law system. The revision of the classical principles of parliamentarism means commitment to the fundamental idea of the nation as a legal entity. Also, it is argued that the productive reform of electoral and parliamentary legislation is only possible if there is a distinction of the forms of representation of traditional ethnic minorities on the one hand, and indigenous peoples, on the other hand.

Keywords: nation, national minorities, system of public representation, ethnic minorities, indigenous peoples.

Abstract: The article considers the process of establishment of human-rights ombudsman institution (the Ombudsman for Indigenous Peoples’ rights) in federal subjects of the RF. The author defines its chronological period and political geography. New tendencies in the development of the federal subjects’ constitutional law are compared with those of federal institutions of representation and human rights, alongside with the practices of nationalities representation under socialism. The author underlines the fact that federal subjects in trying to solve the problem of indigenous peoples’ rights are face by two institutional options. Firstly, it is the choice between state and public status of the Ombudsman for Indigenous peoples’ rights. Secondly, if the choice is made in favor of the state Ombudsman, it results in the choice between the establishment of a special ombudsman (along with an ombudsman for general competence rights), and in the renunciation of a new post. Instead, an ombudsman for general competence rights is entitled with a new list of functions and powers in indigenous peoples’ rights protection. The author conducts comparative analysis of regional legislation and offers her own classification of Ombudsmen for Indigenous Peoples’ rights in Russia’s federal subjects. The classification based on the state authority formation procedure criterion includes the following models of empowering an ombudsman as an independent official: parliamentary (Krasnoyarsk Krai), mixed (Kamchatka Krai) and administrative (Altai Republic). Ugra model of indigenous peoples’ rights protection is also singled out. It presupposes a wider list of powers for the ombudsman of the general competence, the ombudsman for human rights in Khanty-Mansyisk autonomous okrug-Ugra. The author indicates the main characteristics of the legal status of the Ombudsman for Indigenous Peoples’ rights established in some Russian regions, and includes a list of this official’s powers. 

Keywords: commissioner for the protection of the rights and freedoms of citizen in Member of Russian Federation; Commissioner for the rights of peoples; indigenous peoples; defender of indigenous peoples.

The legal nature of public representation is observed in comparison with civil law representation; the solution of the problem of collective nature of representative bodies of the power is offered; classification and characteristic of types and forms of public representation are given.

Keywords: public representation, corporate representation, national representation, representation of subjects of federation, presence, delegation, elective representation.

Formation of the concepts on juridical contents of public representation is analyzed as the main vector of development of the constitutional law doctrine, which appeared at the boundary of XIX–XX-th centuries, and developed in Russian constitutional law in the beginning of the XXI-st century. Classification and the characteristics of theories of representation in constitutional law are presented.

Keywords: public representation, political representation, national representation, system of public representation, public will, a representative body.

The author analyzes preconditions and contents of the federal reform in Russia (2003–2008) and considers the legal nature of the new model of power differentiation, especially in the issues of joint conduct, and shows its shortages and legal consequences.

Keywords: differentiation of subjects of conduct and power, subjects of joint conduct of Russian Federation, transfer of power, participation of subjects in implementation of federal power.

The article investigates preconditions of formation and features of legislative regulation of the system of institutes of civil participation in implementation of powers of the bodies of public (state) power in Russia. From 2003 until 2013, the list of such institutes significantly expanded at the expense of legalization of advisory referenda, advisory public councils, public examinations of regulations, public initiatives and other institutes. In modern constitutional law science, they are considered as different from institutes of direct democracy. Unlike the standard point of view, evolution of institutes of civil participation is analyzed in a context of the competition of two traditions of the organization of public (state) power: republican and democratic. It is proved that domination of democratic tradition of understanding of law, developed in Russia at the turn of XIX–XX centuries, still remains, and has noticeable deforming impact on the contents and practice of application of norms of the Russian constitutional law. Therefore, the institutes of civil participation, which was developed in Russia at the turn of 2010–2020^th, characterize the Russian state not as the republic, but as new version of delegative democracy. They are formed as alternative to representative bodies of power, and provide legitimization of regulations as well as decisions and actions of executive authorities, which independent of these bodies.

Keywords: participation of citizens in implementation of public (state) power, republic, delegative democracy, advisory public council, public examination, public initiative.

The theory of public representation is reconstructed in the context of two legal traditions: republican and democratic. Substantive provisions of G. Ellinek theory of civil participation are named. Distinctions between G. Ellinek's concept and Russian jurists’ theories of national representation the beginning of XX c. are determined.

Keywords: republic, democracy, participation of citizens in implementation of public authority, public representation, public interest, the mixed form of power.

The article presents a version of the answer to the question about purposes and prospects of a new stage of reforming the Federation Council, which has begun in 2012. Contrary to the conventional point of view, the article proves that reform will not be productive, because its purposes are erroneous. They are formulated without taking into consideration the peculiarities of the legal maintenance of representation of subjects of the Federation in cooperative federations; they do not correspond to the content of the reform of the federal relations carried out in Russia, and they partly contradict the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Myths inherent to the Russian sense of justice become a basis of reform. The author concludes that strategic objective of reforming the Federation Council is the extension of its authorities, but not transition to the elective model of its formation. 

Keywords: federation, subject of the Federation, representation of subjects of Federation, democracy, republic, delegation, elections, bicameralism.

The article focuses on the role of catastrophes, trauma and victims in the formation of national identity. Their importance in European and Russian culture cannot be exaggerated: the birth of a nation, like the birth of an individual, is almost always a trauma. In other words, a catastrophe accompanied by sacrifice, martyrdom, and suffering plays a huge role in the formation of new communities or the transformation of existing ones. However, the role of a victim as a subject suffering, offended, and oppressed has always been balanced by the role of a subject struggling, casting off fetters, and making heroic sacrifices for the sake of future triumph. According to the author, in the era of European post-nationalism, the role of victims is still exceptional, although the emphasis is often placed on the undergoing rather than the heroic aspect of sacrifice. The situation of catastrophe, which offers a chance to revise and renew national identity (or its counterpart), is often associated with war. The national community gains the opportunity to adjust the existing identity to a more contemporary one. Giving clear meaning to the sacrifices, sufferings, and exploits is a key to the renewal of identity, since they do not automatically entail either the support of an existing identity or the formation of a new one. The cases of Germany and Russia as countries that have experienced or are experiencing recurring catastrophes show what problems and ambiguities arise along the way. In Russia, the collapse of the USSR has not yet been fully understood as a catastrophe requiring an identity adjustment. Russian memory politics has so far sought to mask the fractures in domestic history of the 20^th and 21^st centuries by asserting “continuity” between its periods. The author believes that the current historical situation offers our country a second chance to form a more “appropriate” national identity based on the realities of today. 

Keywords: national identity, catastrophe, victim, Russia, Germany

The article considers several domestic literary utopias, which are characterized primarily as utopia of education. Their political and ethical background are analyzed, varieties are highlighted. It is shown that granting the person more truly human opportunities against powerful impetus of aversion from politics and consumer society lies in the core of utopia of education.However, the author of the article shows moral and ethical vulnerability of a number of utopias of education, which is caused by attempts to apply the criteria of antique civil community ethics (or heroic ethics) to modern societies.Despite well-known universalism of heroic ethics, it is quite limited. On the ideological level, this leads, in particular, to the author’s inability to separate clearly his (her) utopia from, for example, fascism. It is concluded that utopia of education, utopia of «healthy society» appeared in Russia in 2000^th  due to the fact that any ideological policy became impossible, but the desire to change something had not completely extinguished. However, now the change seems to be made not by politicians, but through catastrophic destruction of the old world, by means of weapons, magic, technology, education and training.

 Keywords: utopia of education, ethics, heroic ethics.

Abstract: The article is devoted to «Reflections on violence» by J. Sorel recently published in Russia. The significant intellectual and political strategies following from «Reflections», which have analogies in later periods, are allocated. The author shows that Sorel actually was the early critic of «ideological consensus» of the Latest times, or «liberal geo-culture» according to the Vallerstayn's terminology. For him, the liberal consensus was an embodiment of a decadent, moral, and cultural decline, which affected all those who actively participated in such consensus. The moral and ideological “bog” of consensus leaded to moral degradation of all classes – first of all the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The conclusion is made that Sorel's «Reflections» were followed by the «strong» strategy of destruction of liberal consensus by socialist revolution, and «weak» (but much more demanded several decades later) strategy of «cultural revolution». The author proves that in a sense we remain Sorel's contemporaries because we continue to follow the intellectual footpaths blazed by him. In many respects, Sorel's intuitions concerning  moral and ideological perspective of modern societies anticipate our perception of the contemporary world.

Keywords: J. Sorel, liberal consensus, cultural revolution, morality.

The article argues that the productive discussion of the nature of democracy is impossible without defining the concept of power. The author states that the power is a set of possibilities, which allows to determine its own destiny. All types of power elites are primarily the power over their own destiny, which includes the power over the destiny of others. The power of elite in the sense of “power over their own destiny” always includes power over other social groups and individuals, and finally over the “people”. Therefore, the power of elites, especially in traditional societies includes a clear element of what is called the “dominance”, i.e. the relationship, in which the power of one affect the interests of others, limiting the ability of the latter to conduct a truly human life. In addition, “people’s power” – is not the people’s power over there selves, but is a power over their own destiny, which implies constant challenging the right of the elites to determine the destiny “of the masses”. “Demos” has to fight for power over its destiny with those who believe by default that they should have power over the destiny of the people with lower origin or social status. This struggle takes place in a broad scale – from the constant resistance towards “cultural hegemony” of the elites (the struggle for the mental independence) up to open ideological and armed confrontation. Therefore, the struggle for democracy is always a struggle for the recognition of one more group for not formal but real equality, i.e. for possessing the complex of possibilities, which provide power in a broadest sense. This is a fight for the denial of the power in one’s favor by those who include the right over one’s destiny in their understanding of power. Thus, democracy is created not by the elite (for which such result is unexpected and unintentional), or, at least, not only by the elite, but by the elite together with the citizens when all parties pursue different goals.
Keywords: democracy, elite, mass, dominance, common destiny.

Abstract. The article is devoted to the question: what role do references to the revolution play in legitimizing the modern Russian state? The author shows that by evading legitimating oneself by revolutions it legitimizes itself by referring to Modernity. The Russian political regime cannot legitimize itself separately neither by any of the social revolutions that have taken place in our history, nor by a reference to the Western revolutions. Therefore, it must (with all the reverence towards “spiritual bonds”), justify itself with references to “Modernity in general”. At the same time, in utilitarian terms Modernity is the result of private non-political revolutions, and the use of political technologies. Today, the reference to stability and tradition is still the same disguised reference to Modernity. The Russian state is built in the interests of the ruling elite, which itself would like to enjoy benefits of Modernity, not caring about accustoming the majority to these benefits. However, a state that wants to imitate its modernity with references to the domain “small revolutions” faces the fact that Modernity contains an irremovable reference to revolution in the social and political sense – a revolution that makes the achievements of domain revolutions of Modernity available to the majority.
Keywords: Modernity, state, revolution, counterrevolution, legitimation, ruling elite.

The article substantiates a point of view according to which «Soviet patriotism» is a continuation not of an «imperial» tradition, supposedly inherent in the Russian nation for a long time, but of another tradition – ideologized, socialistic one – originating from Russian populism and Marxism. Based on the concept of B. Anderson, it is asserted that nationalism is not the only society’s integrating strategy of building a picture of an “imagined community” that has become possible in modernity. Under certain conditions, the picture drawn by social groups that dominate the process of forming the society's ideas about itself is not necessarily focuses on “national” issues. The article shows that the policy pursued in post-revolutionary Russia in the course of the socialist ideological tradition was aimed at the formation of a new non-nationalistic and non-imperial “imagined community”, nevertheless isomorphic to the Western types. The article argues that the objective result of this policy was not so much the formation of “Soviet patriotism” but of the “under-imagined community” that exists until now.
Keywords: imagined community, nationalism, nation, empire, ideology, culture.

This article focuses on expectations in society related to COVID-2019. It is shown that these expectations suggest a picture of future that is close either to a dystopian one or to the one with clear dystopian background. The author proves that such crisis situation and the catastrophic way out of it provokes not just the negative response in the souls of many people being an important part of at least European culture, which we are part of. Life in a pandemic is, in a sense, the satisfaction of desires arising from the new opportunities given by the situation and the expansion of the boundaries of the former freedom. It is no coincidence that the current discourse about remote employment operates in terms of contentment, happiness, and fulfillment of desires. The role of “lightapocalypse” in modern culture is considered. The author concludes that we have entered an era when such “light-apocalypses” partly replace discredited revolutions and associated hopes in public consciousness and unconsciousness. Therefore, nowadays the frequent promise of further catastrophes means a tacit recognition that a world with discredited idea of revolution is still in need for changes, and therefore is doomed to a repetition of controlled apocalypses.

Keywords: COVID-2019; utopia, dystopia; wish fulfillment; distance employment; happiness; “light-apocalypse”

Abstract. The article focuses on the lack of transparent criteria for evaluating the work of morality and knowledge professionals in Russia today. There are many contradictory  opinions on this issue. Morality simultaneously has a monetary price, and exists in the realm that is far above any economy and market. This enables morality professionals to believe that society is in an eternal and unpaid debt to them. The state recognizes the “pricelessness” of their activities, but at the same time, actually puts morality professionals on the low level in the emerging hierarchy of classes in our rent-estate society. The author substantiates that morality and knowledge professionals are interested in developing clear and understandable criteria for assessing the usefulness of the new and old classes, and monetary value of their work. This implies raising demands on restructuring economic and political spheres, so that they would include moral values produced and cultivated by professionals. The author considers that the first step of professionals in finding political identity adequate to their position is to reject the demagogic “priceless” rhetoric encouraged by the authorities.
Keywords: morality; labor; commodification; market; rent-estate society.

The article attempts to identify the reasons for the acceptance of antivaccination and covid-dissidence by the outstanding proportions of people in Russia. The author argues that this phenomenon cannot be adequately interpreted as an outburst of obscurantism. It is more reasonable to consider the situation in the light of the global spread of a purely modern post-truth phenomenon. Current post-truth situation is described. It is characterized by the relativization of expert knowledge in the public mind, equalizing its authority with the authority of alternative sources of judgment on certain issues. As a result, there is a relative rise in the status of previously marginalized sources of alternative expert knowledge. Due to radical “democratization” of scientific (expert) knowledge, everyone chooses her/his position by relying on the opinion of the appealing experts, while avoiding the reproach of marginality. The uniqueness of Russia lies in the fact that even before the pandemic, in the 2000s, a general mindset was formed in a way that “everyone has their own truth”, which depends on group preferences and current needs. The plurality and de facto equivalent legitimacy of conflicting moral assessments, legal standards, ideological judgments, etc. became the norm of Russian public life. Russia has moved on the path of post-truth further than others, since it embarked on it earlier. The author shows that being in a post-truth situation is comfortable for various reasons for both authorities and society. Thus, by the time of the pandemic, the ability of a significant part of Russian society to develop a unified position on issues related to common interests and goals was too weakened in order to withstand the rapid flourishing of anti-vaccination and covid dissidence. 

Keywords: obscurantism; post-truth; anti-vaccination; covid-dissidence; COVID-19

The article deals with the evolving attitudes towards cancel culture in Russia, a phenomenon that originated in the West. Until recently, negative assessments prevailed, largely due to several features inherent in cancel culture. Notably, among these are fear; the spread of alienation up to direct betrayal by colleagues, relatives, and acquaintances; self-affirmation at the expense of victims; and practices of public self-deprecation. Another reason was Russia’s own historical experience of cancel culture, which fostered a wary and negative attitude towards it. The dominant view of cancel culture in Russia contributes to the overlooking of some of its key aspects, as well as the uncritical reception of exaggerated critiques from Western right-wing conservative (“republican”) reviewers. There are serious premises at the heart of Western cancel culture that cannot be eliminated in any society where double standards exist. Cancel culture directs its attention toward the powerful and wealthy, from media figures to brands and companies. In this regard, it has a distinctly egalitarian and democratic aspect. In Russia, assessments of cancel culture have recently shifted from being overwhelmingly negative to more moderately positive. For example, the cancellation of concerts by certain artists for their real or perceived anti-patriotism is framed as the application of cancel culture to them, with Russian civil society involved. The justifications for these actions resemble those seen in the West. Appeals to the democratic aspect of cancel culture, which were previously met with skepticism, are now emerging. In this form, cancel culture may be seem by the political elite as a safe and controllable phenomenon. However, the author of the article believes within the Russian context, the moral and other costs associated with the spread of cancel culture seem unacceptable. 

Keywords: cancel culture, civil society, freedom of speech, double standards, moral costs

The article is devoted to the analysis of the criteria of virtues, which characterizes the one who deserves power in the epoch of ancient democracy and in the time after the World War II. The author argues that the post-war list is based on the list of aristocratic virtues formed in antiquity; the ancient original was reduced to liberal version in XIX and then restored in its initial form during the period of world wars.

Keywords: aristocracy, democracy, liberal parliamentarism, class ethos.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the link between process of democratization and militarization of social life in antiquity. The author argues that the very extension of militarization in long run was accompanied by widening of democracy.

Keywords: aristocracy, military discipline, democratization, hoplite democracy, political regimes of antiquity, estate etos.

The article reveals connection between heroic ethics and universalism of values. At the first glance, heroic ethics contradicts any form of the universalism of values. However, the article proves that the virtues of heroic ethics provide necessary conditions for the achievement of the goals, which are universal and “external” to man. It is also shown that heroic ethics appeals to the universal and traditional idea of self-transformation, which gives human being a chance to improve the ability to change his nature. The author argues that both the decline of the Left Movement and the crisis of its values were caused by the discrediting and rejection of heroic ethics due to the cultural revolution of the 1960th. 

Keywords: heroic ethics, ethics of principles, virtues, universalism, counterculture, Leftists.

The article defines the concept “literature of extremist character” (“extremist material”) and considers the rational of its use in the practice of struggle against extremist activity.

Keywords: ideology, national and religious discord, radicalism, literature of extremist character, extremism, extremist material.

The paper considers the following issue: does morality will disappear in the course of evolution of man and society, giving way to ethics and legal norms as social regulators. It is shown that such a statement is a consequence of thinking within the dominant liberal paradigm is driven by the idea of “the end of history”, implicitly reproduced in it, and it excludes the possibility of social change outside capitalism and liberalism. 

Keywords: morality, liberalism, capitalism, social change, political strife.